Tababarkan ayaa Socondoono Muddo Toban Cisho ah waxaana Lagu Baranayaa Dhammaan Shaqooyinka iyo Adeegyada ay Police ku U qabtaan Bulshada , Madaxweyne Kuxigeenka ayaa Ku Tilmaamay
Tababarkan ayaa Socondoono Muddo Toban Cisho ah waxaana Lagu Baranayaa Dhammaan Shaqooyinka iyo Adeegyada ay Police ku U qabtaan Bulshada , Madaxweyne Kuxigeenka ayaa Ku Tilmaamay
Daawo Video:Ganacsatada Bay iyo Bakool oo Ganacsi Xoogan ku leh Gobolka Bari,beeniyayna Aflagaadadii Jawaari
Xudun K.news: Habdhaqanka Guurka Soomaalida ayaa laga si qoto dheer loogu falan qaynayaa warbixintan kooban, oo runtii ay ka muuqato aqoon dheer dhinaca wariyaha iyo dhanka shaqsiyaadka warbixinta bixinayo labadaba. daawasho wacan.
Falliidhyaale -K.news: Madaxweyne ku-xigeenka Dawladda Puntland ahna kusimaha Madaxweynaha Eng.Cabdixakiim Cabdulaahi Cumar Camey ayaa maanta 23-Feb-2016 dhagax dhigay buundo u dhexaysa deegaanada Fallaydhyaale iyo God-qaboobe oo ka tirsan Gobolka Sool.
Munaasabadda dhagax dhigga buundada ayaa waxaa goob joog ka ahaa Wasiiro, Xildhibaano, Hay’adda Waddooyinka Puntland ee Nesha, saraakiil ka socota Madaxtooyada Dawladda Puntland iyo Dadweynaha Deegaanada Fallaydhyaale iyo God-qaboobe.
Buundadan uu dhagax dhigay Madaxweyne ku-xigeenka Dawladda Puntland ayaa waxaa bar-bar socdey Dayactir lagu samaynayo labo meelood oo kamid ah waddada laamiga ah oo mid kamid ahi ay gaareyso 660mitir halka midda kale ay gaareyso 180mitir gaar ahaan inta u dhexaysa Fallaydhyaale iyo God-qaboobe oo uu soo gaadhey burbur aad u daran, kaas oo gaarey in waddadii laamiga ahayd ay kasoo hadho hal seed ama hal haad oo keliya, isla markaaana sababay shilal kala duwan.
Madaxweyne ku-xigeenka Dawladda Puntland ahna kusimaha Madaxweynaha Eng.Cabdixakiim Cabdulaahi Cumar ayaa sheegay in dhismaha buundadaasi iyo dayactirka lagu samaynayo wadda laamiga ah uu kamid yahay ballanqaadkii Dawladda ee ahaa Dhismaha kaabayaasha dhaqaaha Puntland.
Kusimaha Madaxweynaha ahna Madaxweyne kuxigeenka ayaa sidoo kale kula dardaarmay shirkadda qandaraaska qaadatay oo ah shirkad waddani ah in ay masuuliyad dheeraad ah iska saarto isla markaasina dedaal dheeraad ah ku bixiso sidii ay buundadaasi u noqon lahayd buundo wax ku-ool ah oo waqti dheer sii shaqaysa, wuxuu sidoo kale kula dardaarmay dadka deggan deegaanada Fallaydhyaale iyo God-qaboobe inay soo dhoweyaan lana shaqeeyaan shirkadda dhisaysa buundada.
“Waxaan rajeynayaa Waddo wax ku-ool ahi in ay meesha ka soo baxdo, waxaan sidoo kale rajeynayaa in shirakaddu ay kasoo bixi doonto mas’uuliyadda ay qaaday, dawladduna si dhab ah ayay u kor joogteyn doontaa”
“Waxaann sidoo kale kula dar-daarmaya shacabka reer Puntland ee ku dhaqan deegaanada Fallaydhyaale iyo God-qaboobe in aad la shaqaysanaa shirkadda dhisaysa buundada oo aad qaybtiina kaqaadataan shaqada” ayuu yiri Madaxweyne ku-xigeenka Dawladda Puntland
Scholarship opportunities granted by Ethiopia to Puntland officials and security force members would be sustained in an organized manner. The Puntland State of Somalia expressed its readiness to further strengthen bilateral ties with Ethiopia creating a conducive environment in various areas such as regional security, border sharing, trade as well as investment.Ethiopian Foreign Minister Tedros Adahnom with Abdiwali of Puntland region of Somalia
During discussion with Foreign Minister Dr. Tedros Adahnom here yesterday, State President Dr. Abdiweli Mohamed Ali Gas said that it is a great opportunity to strengthen ties with Ethiopia on trade, investment and regional security to fight Al-Shabaab and other fundamentalist groups in the region.
According to Ministry Spokesperson Tewolde Mulugeta, Dr. Tedros has also assured the President that the scholarship opportunities granted by Ethiopia to Puntland officials and security force members would be sustained in an organized manner.
Source: Ethiopian Herald
by Maxammuud C. Geeldoon
Friday, February 12, 2016
Su’aasha kor ku xusani maaha midaan anigu maankayga ka keenay. Waa su’aal jirta oo dood weyn dhex dhigtay ku-xeeldheerayaasha cilmiyada buslshada, dhaqaalaha, iyo siyaasadda. Waana su’aal ay ila noqotay inaan maanta idin soo hordhigo, si aynu u wadaagno aqoonisweydaarsi ku saabsan aafada ummaddeenna Soomaaliyeed halakaysay iyo barta ay tahay inaynu maanta ka abbaarro.
Maxaa colaadaha sokeeye kiciya, maxaa sii holciya, maxaase soo-afjariddooda iyo xalkooda adkeeya?
Guud ahaan laba aragtiyood ayaa ii soo baxay: Mid leh dagaallada sokeeye waxaa dhaliya oodhinacyada is haya kiciya, colaaddana sii holciya damac iyo hunguri; iyo mid taa kaga duwan siday colaaddu ku bilaabanto, kalase mida siday ku dambayso. Haddaba, anoo aan sii dhex muquuranayn doodda tafaasiisheeda hoose, nuxurka aniga iiga soo baxay doodahaa iyo daraasadahaa wuxuu yahay inay colaadaha sokeeye, say u badanyihiin, maraan jaranjaro laga bartay colaadihii sokeeye ee Lubnaan, Angoola, Siiraaliyuun, Koongo, Afqaanistaan, Koolombiya, Guwaatemaala, Beeruu (Peru), Soomaaliya, iyo kuwa kale oo la mida.
Colaadda sokeeye waxay, sida qaalibka ah, ka unkantaa dawladda oo gabta xilka ay shacabkeeda u hayso. Xukunka dawladda ayaa waxaa maroorsada oo isku kooba ruux ama koox, kuwaasoo kutakrifala hantida dawladda iyo khayraadka ay dadku wadaagaan. Hay’adihii dawladda,xidhiidhadoodii, iyo xeerarkoodii rasmiga ahaa ayaa caynwareega oo macna beela, waxaana halkoodii gala xidhiidho iyo is-fagaradya hoose oo aan la qorin lana shaacin, kuwassoo ku qotoma eex, naas-noojis, iyo kala-gudbin. Dawladdii waxaa kasoo hadha qalfoof iyo hummaag dawladeed (shadow state).1 Dabadeed waxaa lama huraan noqda in dadweynaha badidii ay u muuqato inay dawladdii sagratay. Markay dadweynuhu isku dayaan inay cawdaanna xadhig iyo cabbudhin bay dawladdu kula kacadaa. Hadda bal bartaa aynu ku yara hakanno.
In yar oo toos ugu xidhan qawleysatada dheeftii dadku wadaagey isku koobaty mooyi eh, shacabku darxumo wuu ka simanyahay. Marka uu xaalku halkaa marayo, dalku wuxuu u kadanyahay colaad sokeeye. Xaabadii dabka lagu shidi lahaa waa diyaar; waxaase dhiman xolod dab ah oo lagu dhextuuro, taasna waxaa la yimaadda kan siyaasadda ka macaasha (the political entrepreneur).2
Siyaasad-ka-macaashe, arrin cusub ayuu meesha ku soo kordhiyaa: Baahidii iyo darxumadii ay, in yar mahee, dadku ka sinnaayeen, ayuu wuxuu foodda u saaraa oo u aaneeyaa haybta (identity), wxuxuuna ka dhaadhiciyaa inta uu taagerada ka rabo inay darxumadoodu ku timi ula-kac iyo cadaalad-darro iyaga si gaar ah loola beedgsaday, taasoo loollankii u yeesha caqiidad (creed) fasirta sida wax u jiraan, qiilla u noqota siday tahay in la yeelo.3 Kooxdii dawladda u talineysey iyana sidaa si la mida caqiidad taa hore lid ku ah ayay taageerayaashooda, aanay marnaba waxtar iyo ciirsi toonna u lahayn, ka dhaadhiciyaan, taasoo ah in kuwa dawladda ku kacay ay hayb ahaan u keceen iyagana jiritaankooda halis ku yihiin. Laba qoys oo deris ah, haybse ku kala duwan, oo labaduba isku si u wada tabaalaysan, midkoodnana aanu dawladda dheef ku qabin, ayaa collooba oo mindiya isu qaata, waxaana halkaa ka qarxa dagaal sokeeye oo ku salaysan wax
lakala aamminsanyahay kase durugsan runta. Caqiidadaasi waxay ku salaysnaan kartaa diin, sidaLubnaan, ama kala-sarrayn dhaqan-dhaqaale, ama hayb qabiil sida tan Soomaalida oo kale. Kaalinta kuwa macaashaka ka daya siyaasaddu ay ku yeesahaan dagaallada sokeeye waxaa tusaale fiican u ah siduu dagaalkii sokeeye ee Siiraaliyuun ku bilawday iyo siduu isu rogey. Wuxuu ku bilawday kacdoon ay horseed ka ahaayeen arday xaq-u-dirir ah, waxaase kala wareegey kooxo aan damac iyo hunguri mooyee wax kale deeqin.4
Si kastaba ha ahaatee, colaadda iyo dagaalka sokeeye waxay ku dambeeyaan saddex midkood:5
1) Libta oo koox raacda, kooxdaasoo kooxaha kale wixii ay damacsanayd ku sandulleysa(asymmetrical victory);
2) Ismariwaa xanaf kulul oo kooxaha wada xanuujiya oo geyeysiiya inay xal doorbidaan (hard symmetrical or mutually hurting stalemate and resolution);
3) Kala-gurasho koox kasti danteeda ka dhex aragto, iyo loollan joogta ah oo dhidibbada aasta (soft, stable, self-serving stalemate and entrenched conflict).
Labada xaaladood ee hore xal ayaa laga gaadhi karaa, xaaladda saddexaadse xalkeedu wuu adkaadaa, waana tan ay maanta Soomaaliya ku sugantahay. Waa maxay sababtu?
Loollankoo sii daba dheeraadaa wuxuu keenaa in qorhsihii caqiidada ku dhisnaa ooy koox walbi iska dhaadhicisay uu rumoobiwaayo; waxaana halkeedii gala damac iyo hunguri (greed);6 dabadeedna xaalku wuxuu isu beddelaa:
Nin quwaax hela, nin qadhoon hela, nin qar dheer kora, nin iskaba qada ha la qarafsado….
Damaca iyo hungurigu waxay colaadaha sokeeye ku soo kordhiyaan dhaqamma aan lag fili karin. Tusaale ahaan, Yuguslaavia markay burburtay ooy dagaalladu aafeeyeen waxaa la arkay kooxa col ah oo haddana dabbaabado kala kiraysanaya.7 Sidaasoo kale, dagaalkii sokeeye ee Siiraaliyuun waxaa la arki jirey ciidammada dawladda iyo RUF-tii ka soo horjeeddey oo dhaqdhaqaaqooda isla socodsiinaya si ay isugu fududeeyaan boobka shacabka, isu-gudbinta hubka, iyo iska-ilaalinta isku-dhaca, taasoo dhalisay inay shacbku ugu yeedhaan cayaar laysla ogyahay (fixed match).8
Damaca iyo hunguriga dadku kama wada sinnaadaan, isku sina uguma wada macaashaan.Horboodayaasha kooxaha ayaa waxay dhisataan nidaamyo boob iyo tala-maroorsi ku dhisan. Waa nin iyo taagtii! Haddana, saasoo ay tahay, bal car yaa runta sheega oo afka ku kala qaadi kara sidanayba iigu badisaa!
Dhinacyadii dagaalku dhexmaray waxaa xukuma oo qareen u ah kuway dantu ugu jirto inay xaaladdu say tahay aanay iska beddelin. Kamase maqlaysid! Waxay dacwaddooda iyo dooddoodu mar kasta tahay qoontiiba lama dhayin!9 Macnuhuna waa hay hillaato!
Bal aynu saanta hore u qaadnee, dawlad caynkee ah ayaa xaaladdaa damaca iyo hunguriga ku dhisan ka dhalan karta?
Waxaan tusaale u soo qaadanayaa Lubnaan. Markuu dagaalkii istaagey, dawladdii la dhisay lama ay iman nidaam dhaqaale oo cusub ee waxay uun sharciyaysay kii dagaalka iyo fawdada ku yimi.10 Waa xaaraantii oo la xalaaleeyey! Oo waa kudkii oo kaba loo tolay!
Akhristow yaan hadal kugu daalinnine, bal maxay kula tahay baa innaga khuseeya xaaladdan ayaqoonyhannadaan hoos ku xusay bayaamiyeen?
Waxaynu ka dheregsannahay sidaynu shan-iyo-labaatan sannnadood burburkii dawladda ka dib weli dib ula soo noqon kari la’nahay dawlad taabba gal ah, iyadoo ay inna soo mareen heshiisyaku- sheegya badan oo wada noqday hal bacaad lagu lisay. Maxaa dibuheshiisiin dhaba innaga hortaagan?
Haddaan dhinac kale ammuurta uga wareego, bal aynu dib ugu laabanno labadii reer ee deriska ahaa aanse isku qabiilka ahayn. Reerkiiba saddex carruura ayay xabbaddu leeftay, darxumada haysataana waa sidii hore iyo si ka daran. Adeegya ay dawlad ka helaanna haba sheegin. Labadaa reer waxay kala raacsanyiin laba maammul. Khad cagaaran baa dhex yaal. Mid kastana waxaa weli ka dhaadhacsan laguna aqriyaa caqiidadii aynu hore uga soo hadallay, caqiidadaas oo ku beertay milil iyo hurgumo.Waxay u baaban yihiin oo u faruurxidhanyihiin cisaabado isku xidhan (siyaasad ahaan iyo dhaqaale ahaanba ) oo aan marnaba oggolayn isbeddel dhaba oo ummadda isu keeni kara.
Shacabka Soomaaliyeed ee tabaalaysani waa inay runta waddanka ka jirta ogaadaan. Taasina waa hawl u taalla xogogaalka iyo aqoonyahannada Soomaaliyeed oo iskaashada, oo si mug iyo qota leh u baadha, u dersa, uga baaraan dega, ugana warkeena awoodaha dhabta ahee ka jira dhammaan gobollada dalka: siday isugu xidhanyihhin, iyo asaaliibta ay ku shaqaystaan, iyo waxay dadka ku beerlaxawsadaan. (Ogaada, ilka abeeso hoos ka xidhiidhsan).
Odhaah Marykan ah ayaa waxay tiraahdaa, marka dembi la baadhayo oo la furfuri kari waayo, follow the money (lacagta daba gal). Say wax innoogu iftiimaan, halla baadigoobo hantida qaranka iyo halkay marto?
Bal u fiirso, meel kastoo ay tahay, magaalooyinka waaweyn oo dhan, hantidii qaranka ayaa dad gaara laga iibiyaa. Yay dani ugu jirtaa? Dhuxusha debedaha yaa u daabbula? Noolihii badda iyo goomihii shisheeye yaw daldala? Xawaaladuhu cashuur miyay baxshaan? Isgaadhsiintu miyaanay hanti qaran ahayn? Yaa qaadka innoo soo warrida oo ka taajira? Mooskii isaga warkiisa daa! Lacag been ah iyo sicir-barar yaa ku fakhriya oo yaa ka taajira? Dugsiyadii lacag bay noqdeen! Jaamacadihii lacag bay noqdeen! Cusbataalladii lacag bay noqdeen! Biyihii lacag bay noqdeen! Intaba yaa ka hodmoo ka taajira? Danyar yaw dagaallama? NGO maxay tahay ama ahayd? Qandaraasyaa la saxeexayaa! Qalin baa hantida lagu boobayaa! Markaasay haddana tolla’ayeey inna oranayaan! Dhulka yaa ka dawlada?
Ruux walboow waxaad u warhaysid sheeg! Waa waajib qaran! Oo waa siduu Eebbe ummddeenna faray! Saasaa shacabka kuwa maankooda xaday lagaga xorayn karaa. Saasaa daawo iyo caafimaad lagu heli karaa.
Guul iyo Gobannimo!
Maxammuud C. Geeldoon
Qoraaga The Yibir of Las Burgabo
1 William Reno, Greed and Grievance, Lynn Reinner Publishers, p. 45
2 I. William Zartman, Rethinking the Economics of War, Woodrow Wilson Center Press, pp. 266-267
3 Ibid. p. 269
4 Jimmy D. Kandeh, Rethinking the Economics of War, Woodrow Wilson Center Press, p. 85
5 I. William Zartman, Rethinking the Economics of War, Woodrow Wilson Center Press, p. 274
6 Ibid. p. 268
7 Paul Collier, Greed and Grievance, Lynn Reinner Publishers, p. 101
8 David Keen, Greed and Grievance, Lynn Reinner Publishers, pp. 35-36
9 Paul Collier, Greed and Grievance, Lynn Reinner Publishers, p. 92
10 Elizabeth Picard, Rethinking the Economics of War, Woodrow Wilson Center Press, p. 34
By Ismail Ali Ismail
While surfing the Internet few days ago I came across two videos showing a debate on “Somali Identity” – an interesting topic, no doubt, though of no practical consequence (watch the two video on youtube Identify crisis and Somalis don’t wants to be identified as BLACK AFRICAN.)
Instead of concentrating on the topic the debaters strayed into other areas of Somali culture and society. A debate has usually two contrary views. In this ‘debate’, however, between two Somali professors, Prof. Hussein Bulhan and Prof. Omer Eno, which took place, apparently, more than a year ago, I saw neither the vigor of scholarship, nor opposing views, which I expected to shed new lights on the topic of the debate.
In my early readings Somalis were classified in terms of racial identity as: ‘Hamitic’; ‘Semito-Hamitic’; or (as one writer put it) ‘Hamitic with a strong Semitic injection’); ‘Arabized Oromos’; and finally, ‘Cushitic’. I was quite interested in this matter as a Somali schoolboy growing up with Arabs, Indians, Greeks, Jews and others in Aden, which, as a British colony, was then a very cosmopolitan city. Somalis had been living in Aden well before 1839 when Captain Haines secured it for the British. Being unaware of the diversity that has since transpired, as far as I am concerned, I had no doubt that Somalis were of the same racial stock – and homogenous in all respects (linguistically, culturally and religiously). My interest continued into the early sixties but waned thereafter as it branched off to other areas more beneficial to my future. Thanks to the generosity of the American Government, I had become a foreign student in the United States where racism and racial discrimination were a great deal worse than they are today. However, it was a racism that was not really based on race but on color. That was why it was known as ‘color bar’; talking about the fine distinctions between the black races (hair texture, facial features, etc.) became ludicrous.
Instead of being enlightened by this debate, I was disappointed by the lack of objectivity, balance and penetrating analyses – let alone suggestions as to needed societal reforms. Indeed, much of the discussion, especially by Prof. Bulhan, was no more than disparaging and ridiculing Somali culture and Society. The two professors have, in their ‘debate’, heaped loads of injustices upon their fellow Somalis, which I propose to correct and thereby set the record straight. What they did, I suppose, was out of ignorance, not out of spite, for they are Somalis themselves – unless they have forgotten. All the same, it reflects badly on them. There is, surely, much to criticize Somali society for and much to offer in terms of reform. I shall comment below on the salient points of their discussion.
The Nature and Tradition of Somali Clans
As a Somali with a long national experience in field administration, as District Commissioner of Hargeisa, Zeila, and Kismayo and as Deputy Governor of Togdheer and Lower Juba, I have, in my capacity as ‘Public Order Authority’, administered the ‘Xeer’ (Somali Customary Law) and managed inter-clan relations. But I have never seen the kind of lawless, mindless, marauding, pastoral clans described by Prof. Bulhan. The professor says that the clans ‘have been warring, conflicting over power and creating problems for themselves and the rest of society’. First, conflict is imbedded in human nature. Certainly, there were bloody feuds, raids, lootings, and the commission of other crimes such as murder and rape. But Somali clans were not without devices of their own to help them deal with such matters. For Somali clans have traditionally provided the institutional machinery for conflict prevention and resolution through mediation and arbitration in their practice of the ‘Xeer’ – a governing system that was described as a ‘kritarchy’ (which means government by judges). I found dealing with clan notables very instructive; they were very resourceful and wise and flexible, and imbued with a keen sense of responsibility. They were, indeed, masters of compromise.
Naturally, some clans are strong vis-à-vis others who are less numerous. But clans make alliances and share defenses and ‘dia-payment’, and so many of the lesser clans are thus protected. In fact, the Issa clan had chosen one of their smaller sub-clans as the premiere sub-clan (the Wardiiq which was originally Isaq, not Issa) from which successive Ugases would come and, unlike many other clans, accession to the position of Ugas is, not by heredity, but through a traditional process of selection from that sub-clan. Interestingly, the major sub-clans are ascribed specific roles in the service of the Ugas who invariably comes from this small sub-clan. They (the Issa) have their own judiciary with an appeal system. The Issa Xeer is fascinating, and we need someone from the field of public administration or sociology to spend time to study it and codify it. Otherwise, time will dumb it into the dustbin of history, never to be retrieved and remembered.
To be fair, the clans did remarkably well in keeping the peace before, during and after colonialism. It is true that the first British impression of the Somalis was that they were unruly and undisciplined. That was why they called them, ‘The Irishmen of Africa’ – a phrase that was not, therefore, meant to be complimentary. But, for Prof. Bulhan to portray them in the mold of America’s lawless, cattle raiding, trigger-happy Wild West of yesteryear is both grossly unfair and far from the truth. However, it took time for the British to realize that, after all, the Somalis had their own traditional methods of governing themselves; hence the application of the concept and principles of Indirect Rule.
Modern Governance and The Clan System
I am dismayed by the flippant manner in which Prof. Bulhan discusses issues of governance. He says that the current governance problems of Somalia are simply a clan tradition of looting carried forward and applied to modern governance. He argues that since government is a common property and does not belong to any particular clan it is open by tradition for all and any clan to loot it. Nothing could be more preposterous and far from the truth. The Somalis who are the culprits in the destruction of Somalia and the propagators of its continuing problems are the educated, the urbanized, the avaricious ‘business’ and political leaders who think of nothing but power and wealth, illicitly gained. Do we see anyone of them sharing his loot with his clansmen? No, because the looting is carried out by individuals who share pecuniary interests and divide their loots among themselves than with their respective clans. There are three factors that restrain human behavior: fear of God; fear of Society; and fear of the Law. Without them there is impunity, and with impunity there is constant danger to life and property. That is what obtains today in Somalia, not under the clan system, but under a prostituted modern type of ‘governance’ led by, not clan chieftains, but the educated class.
According to the professor the Somali definition of ‘Good Governance’ is: “If a member of my clan is holding authority it is good governance”. Those who watch the video can surely see how the professor is trivializing subjects of crucial importance by the disdainful way in which he presents them. However, I have never heard this ‘definition’ before. But I did hear clans complaining that they were not represented in this or that government, and I do not see anything wrong with that. After all, not only the government but also the bureaucracy should mirror the shape and color of Society. It is imperative that every citizen should be given a sense of belonging. The principle underlying the complaint is ‘representation’ without which accessibility and recourse to public office would be difficult. That is why MPs have constituency service, and if the constituency is a clan, so be it. In a country, such as Somalia, where there are no national political parties, the bureaucracy is weak, and judicial review nonexistent, it helps to have somebody you know in decision-making circles. Even in the most advanced countries those who have the right connections get what they want.
Gender bias is a social malady with economic and political ramifications, and needs to be remedied. The professor says that there has been no census; yet he avers that women represent ‘more than half the population’. That may very well be so; but we do not know for sure. That aside, no one will argue that women should not perform as full partners of and on equal terms with men in the development of the country taking into account that Somalia is a patrilineal Moslem country which emphasizes complementarity rather than competition between the sexes. This should not be interpreted, however, that the sexes should not be equal in their pursuit of economic, social and political goals. The struggle for equality continues to this day even in the United States where there is still a pay differential between men and women doing the same work. We know that most societies are male dominated, so the struggle continues. But we also know that behind every great man there is a woman: they (the women) have a hidden, subtle power which is seldom noticed and mentioned.
I do not understand what the professor means by “women are not counted”. In the olden days the spear-side of the family was considered more important than the distaff-side because of the defense needs of the clan. Society has since changed considerably, and Somali women have made tremendous strides in education, in politics, in business, and have occupied some of the most visible positions in all public service sectors. They have now been allocated a minimum quota of 30% in the national parliament; and that is a constitutional requirement. The progress, however, continues.
Read More: DO-SOMALIS-SUFFER-FROM-‘IDENTITY-CRISIS’-By-Geeldoon
Suspect and 73 other passengers meant to board Turkish Airlines flight, which was cancelled, Daallo Airlines chief says.
Sunday, February 7, 2016
The suspected suicide bomber who blew himself up aboard a Somali airliner on a flight from Mogadishu to Djibouti was meant to board a Turkish Airlines flight, the head of Daallo Airlines told Al Jazeera.
The explosion ripped a one-metre-sized hole in the side of the Daallo Airlines jet on Tuesday, after which the suspect was reportedly sucked out of the decompressed cabin.
The 74 passengers aboard the flight were originally checked in with Turkish Airlines, which flies to Somalia three times per week, Mohamed Ibrahim Yasin Olad, Daallo Airlines chief told Al Jazeera on Sunday.
They were not our passengers. Turkish Airlines cancelled its flight from Mogadishu that morning because their incoming flight from Djibouti could not come to Mogadishu because of what they said was strong wind, Olad said.
They requested we carry the passengers on their behalf to Djibouti where they would continue their journey on a Turkish Airlines flight, Olad added.
Turkish Airlines have not been in contact with us since the incident happened. You can say they are trying to distance themselves from the incident. Olad said.
Turkish Airlines suspended its flights to Somalia on Tuesday.
Al Jazeera contacted Turkish Airlines for comment but so far did not get a response.
Olad said Daallo Airlines, Djiboutis national carrier, was working with the Somali government and security officials at the airport on steps needed to avoid similar incidents in the future.
We are going to introduce extra security measures. Things will not be the same and security is our priority. Olad said.
Deliberate terror attack
Speaking at a press conference in Mogadishu on Saturday, Somali Minister for Transport Ali Ahmed Jama Jangeli said the explosion was not the result of a technical failure but a deliberate terror attack.
After intensive investigation into this incident, it has been revealed by the investigation that a crude device caused the explosion. The intent was to harm the passengers on the plane. This was not a technical fault. But a deliberate terror act. Jangeli said.
The security authorities have arrested a number of people who are suspected of taking part in this act, the minister added.
Jangeli said his government has introduced additional security measures at the airport to strengthen security at the countrys main aviation hub.
Somali state TV (SNTV) aired CCTV footage on Sunday showing what it said were the suspects behind the airplane blast. The footage showed three men exchanging what appeared to be a laptop at a coffee shop at the airport.
Abdullahi Abbdisalam Borleh, a Somali national, has been named by authorities as the man who was sucked out of Flight 3159. His badly burnt body was found some 30km outside the Somali capital.
Somali government spokesman Abdisalam Aato told Al Jazeera on Sunday that more than 20 suspects were in custody in connections with the explosion.
No one has claimed responsibility for the plane blast.
Follow Hamza Mohamed on Twitter: @Hamza_Africa
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